This column by Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden was in the Colorado Sun on July 16. The column comes in response to a recent����by Colorado River Commissioner Becky Mitchell regarding the ongoing water negotiations between and the responsibilities of the Upper and Lower Basin states.

Colorado’s water commissioner wants Arizona to make “hard decisions” on the Colorado River. That’s a curious thing to hear from a state that still hasn’t agreed to a single binding cut.

Becky Mitchell’s recent column in The Colorado Sun ( July 7) tells a story where the Upper Basin has quietly sacrificed for decades while Arizona, California and Nevada are only now waking up to reality. It’s a compelling narrative. It’s just missing most of the numbers — and facts — that matter.

Start with snowpack. Yes, Colorado had a brutal year. So did the rest of the West. Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming and Colorado all set readings this year. Every state at this table is living through the same basin-wide crisis in real time. Colorado isn’t further along than the rest of us on this one.

Next, the claim that the Upper Basin has already been quietly cut by 1.3 million acre-feet a year for two decades. Call it what it is: automatic curtailment, not a negotiated commitment. When the water isn’t physically there, junior water rights get shut off under state priority systems that predate the 1922 Colorado River Compact by decades. Nobody negotiated that. Nobody signed anything. It happens whether Colorado agrees to it or not.

Compare that with what Arizona put on the table this year. In May, Arizona, California and Nevada through 2028. That includes 1.25 million acre-feet in binding reductions for both 2027 and 2028.

Arizona’s share alone would be 760,000 acre-feet, 61% of the total and the largest of any state. The Lower Basin proposal also includes at least 700,000 acre-feet in additional conservation on top of those reductions.

And that’s before you count the  outright back when the February talks were still alive. Every one of those numbers was real, specific and put in writing. Most of them either sit unanswered or were rejected outright by the Upper Basin states, Colorado included.

There’s a reason the numbers look so different, and it comes down to math, not sacrifice.

The Upper Basin has never built the storage and delivery infrastructure to use its full 7.5 million-acre-foot apportionment, even in good years. Mitchell notes that Upper Basin users took about 4 million acre-feet in 2021 while Lower Basin users took 11 million, and offers that up as proof of Upper Basin restraint and prudence. 

But promising to stay below half your allocation is easy when you were never on pace to use it in the first place. 

Arizona doesn’t have that option. Cities, tribes and farms across the Lower Basin depend on water we actually use, every year, close to our full apportionment. That’s why  to the Bureau of Reclamation already accounts for roughly 1.25 million acre-feet in evaporation and transit losses we used to get to write off. Colorado hasn’t put forward a comparable number for anything.

This kind of discipline isn’t new for Arizona. Our population has grown nearly 500% since 1957. Our economy has grown dramatically. Total water use hasn’t. According to the Arizona Department of Water Resources, . Groundwater management, conservation requirements, water banking and decades of hard policy choices did that. Colorado hasn’t made those same choices on its side of the river.

 said it plainly after the February talks collapsed: The Lower Basin’s position is firm and fair. Arizona’s own negotiator, Tom Buschatzke,: The Lower Basin has offered numerous good-faith compromises, and virtually all of them have been rejected. That pattern is a track record, not a difference of opinion.

Mitchell closes her piece by inviting Arizona to join Colorado in adapting to a changing river. We’d take that invitation more seriously from a state that had actually agreed to something. Until then, we’ll keep doing what we’ve been doing: showing up with real numbers, real cuts and a plan Colorado still hasn’t matched.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce and Industry.

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This column by Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden originally appeared in the on May 27, 2026.

According to the latest  from the American Legislative Exchange Council, Arizona ranks second in the nation for economic growth over the past 10 years. During that time, we’ve ranked in the top-5 for GDP growth, domestic migration, and employment growth, clear indicators of our strength as a destination for both business and talent.

Arizona has also ranked No. 1 on the Common Sense Institute’s  every year since 2019. That growth has translated into real gains for Arizonans: more jobs, rising incomes, and the largest percentage-point decline in poverty in the country.

Despite this undeniable track record, a misguided proposal from some lawmakers threatens to wipe out a key piece of our economic toolbox at precisely the wrong time.

Specifically, they are calling for a sweep of the Arizona Competes Fund, a move that would effectively pull the rug out from under dozens of projects already underway, inflicting lasting damage on the state’s economic credibility.

A complete sweep would jeopardize 34 projects for which grants have already been committed, representing more than 21,000 potential new jobs and more than $12.6 billion in capital investment. That’s like wiping out an entire year’s worth of economic development progress.

Even more concerning, forcing the state to renege on commitments — after funds were appropriated by the Legislature — would trigger a serious crisis of confidence. If Arizona is willing to walk away from its obligations to employers and investors, why would anyone trust it to honor future commitments?

As budget negotiations continue, some have talked about eliminate the Quality Jobs Tax Credit, a program that has been key to making Arizona a magnet for corporate headquarters relocations.  reports that the Phoenix metro ranks in the top 4 for HQ relocations since 2018, projects that come with significant high-wage job gains — the type that fuel additional growth across the economic ladder.

The  is actively competing for an additional 51 HQ projects, representing more than 11,000 potential new jobs with average wages over $90,000 — demonstrating both the opportunity ahead and what’s at stake if Arizona gets this wrong.

At a moment when the state is competing for once-in-a-generation economic opportunities, maintaining Arizona’s credibility and business reputation is absolutely essential.

To be clear: Arizona’s transparent, effective economic development programs should be viewed as a model for the nation. Unlike so many of our competitor states, Arizona does not engage in opaque, backroom deals.

Instead, our programs are accountable and performance-based, with criteria outlined in statute and companies only receiving funds after they’ve filled their commitments. Arizona doesn’t place risky bets. 

These tools complement Arizona’s core advantages: a skilled workforce, modern infrastructure, and a pro-growth tax and regulatory environment.

They also deliver a strong return. Analysis from the ACA shows that companies participating in the Competes program have created more than 22,000 jobs with an average wage approaching $90,000. Those projects have generated over $1.2 billion in state and local tax revenue — meaning every $1 invested returns more than $22 to the public.

Eliminating this program would not produce meaningful budget savings. Instead, it would likely reduce future revenue by driving away jobs, wages and investment.

And if Arizona steps back, other states will step in. Competitors like Texas, Ohio and California would welcome the opportunity to capture projects that might otherwise have come here.

As Warren Buffett famously observed, it takes years to build a reputation and minutes to destroy it. Over the past decade, Arizona has earned a reputation as one of the most reliable places in the country to do business.

Lawmakers should come together to pass a responsible budget that protects and strengthens the policies driving Arizona’s growth. Arizona has spent a decade earning its reputation. Now is not the time to risk it.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

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This��opinion��column��from Arizona��˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden��originally��appeared in the Yuma Sun.

There’s been plenty of coverage lately about Arizona preparing to defend its water rights on the Colorado River. And yes, we’ve hired a law firm. Hard to blame us.

What’s gotten less attention is the other side of this story: what’s actually happening at the negotiating table. The answer isn’t complicated. Arizona and other Lower Basin states have put real solutions on the table. Colorado and its Upper Basin partners have not.

Arizona’s chief water negotiator, ADWR Director Tom Buschatzke, was blunt after collapsed. Despite months of discussions, the Lower Basin states received one consistent message from the Upper Basin: there will be no firm commitment to reduce water use, no matter how bad the hydrology gets or how low the reservoirs fall.

That’s not a negotiating position. That’s a refusal to engage.

And the stakes are real. Snowpack across the West is at record lows, with just 2.3 million acre-feet of water expected to reach Lake Powell through July — about a third of normal. The river is under serious strain, and time is not on our side.

Arizona has responded accordingly. This year alone, we’ve already absorbed more than 500,000 acre-feet in cuts. We’ve invested in conservation, recharge, and long-term infrastructure. These aren’t easy decisions. They come with real economic tradeoffs.

But that’s what shared responsibility looks like.

Other Lower Basin states stepped up too. Arizona offered to reduce its allocation by 27%. California offered 10%. Nevada nearly 17%. All of it was rejected by Upper Basin states, with Colorado chief among them. They have continued to insist that additional cuts fall primarily on the Lower Basin.

That’s not a partner. That’s a free rider.

And it reflects a broader pattern in how Colorado approaches governing.

Credibility at the negotiating table doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It’s built or eroded by whether a state is willing to make hard calls, take responsibility, and lead when it matters. On that front, Colorado’s track record deserves scrutiny.

Over the past decade, Colorado has enacted more than 10,000 new regulatory mandates. Job growth has slowed dramatically. More residents are leaving the state, and nearly half of its business leaders say they’re planning to invest elsewhere.

Meanwhile, Arizona has stayed focused on building a competitive, growing economy.

from Common Sense Institute Arizona and the Arizona ˿����Ƶ Foundation found that if Arizona had followed Colorado’s policy path, we’d have 113,000 fewer workers and an economy $18.6 billion smaller.

Arizona made different choices. Those choices are reflected in how we’re showing up at the Colorado River table today.

None of this is to say Colorado doesn’t have rights to the river. It does. But rights come with responsibilities, especially when the system is under this level of stress. And especially when you’ve spent years sending the same message: the cuts are someone else’s problem.

The Colorado River supports 40 million people and an estimated $1.4 trillion in economic activity. A deal matters for Arizona, for the region, and for the country. But a deal that asks Lower Basin states to make deep, binding cuts while Upper Basin states make no firm commitments isn’t a solution. It’s an imbalance dressed up as compromise.

Governor Hobbs is right to push back. Arizona is right to keep every option on the table, including legal ones. And anyone who thinks we’re being unreasonable should read what Arizona’s negotiator said when the February deadline blew up: we cannot take on the task of saving this river system on our own.

Colorado has already done real damage to its own economy. We can’t let it drag ours down too. We won’t keep carrying their water.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

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Last week, the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry office was a hub of policy exchange as we hosted a delegation of lawmakers and business leaders from Missouri. The “Show Me State” representatives came west to see how our deliberate policy choices in areas like regulation, taxes, and emerging technologies have turned Arizona into a global leader in advanced manufacturing and semiconductors.

Arizona has much to teach other states about economic growth, and we are proud to showcase the work of our lawmakers and successive governors.

But during those conversations, one lesson ran in the other direction: Missouri is showing us a better way to help small businesses afford health care.

In Missouri, the state chamber of commerce , or MEWA. It’s model that allows small businesses to pool their risk and gain a level of buying power typically reserved for larger corporations. The result is greater rate stability, more plan choices, and lower costs. 

It’s not just Missouri that offers MEWAs. Nearly 30 other states have already implemented similar programs. Yet in Arizona, many small businesses and sole proprietors remain on the sidelines. , sponsored by Rep. David Livingston, is our opportunity to catch up.

HB 2693 expands the definition of entities that can operate these self-funded health plans to include statewide chambers of commerce and business leagues. By allowing small employers to join a larger pool, the bill helps stabilize premiums and expand access to quality coverage for the job creators who are the backbone of our economy.

Despite no group coming forward to oppose the bill publicly, some legislators have expressed criticisms, but they miss the mark.

First, HB 2693 is fully compliant with the Affordable Care Act (ACA). Opponents often confuse this state-level expansion with a 2018 federal rule that was struck down in court. This bill is different. It operates within the explicit authority granted to states under ERISA, the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974, to regulate MEWAs. 

This bill also doesn’t weaken coverage protections. Arizona law continues to require coverage for preexisting conditions, maternity care, mental health coverage, and prescription drugs. In practice, large group plans—which MEWAs emulate—often provide more comprehensive benefits than what many smaller employers can access today, including superior dental and vision coverage. 

This bill creates affordability through scale. By pooling together, small employers create a larger risk pool that puts natural downward pressure on costs and reduces volatility. By purchasing as a coalition, small businesses gain the leverage to negotiate for the high-quality, robust coverage usually only available to the state’s largest employers. This isn’t about cutting corners; it’s about using collective strength to make comprehensive care more attainable. 

The bill also recognizes the modern workforce by including sole proprietors and working owners. If an individual works at least 20 hours a week or earns enough to cover their premiums, they deserve access to the same stable, high-quality coverage as a corporate executive.

For years, Arizona has led by embracing innovation and market-based solutions. It’s time we apply that same mindset to health care. By passing HB 2693, we are giving Arizona’s small businesses another tool to grow, compete, and thrive.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

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Arizona has spent years positioning itself as a state that punches above its weight — a place where innovation and talent translate directly into economic competitiveness. Few leaders have had a bigger hand in shaping that trajectory than Dr. Michael Crow.

When Crow arrived at Arizona State University in 2002, he didn’t just take over a university, he took on a challenge: how to build an institution that matched the needs and ambitions of a fast-growing state. Today, it’s hard to look at Arizona’s economic progress without seeing his fingerprints.

Crow’s idea of a “New American University” wasn’t an academic slogan; it was a bet on Arizona’s future. While other states narrowed access or pulled back, he pushed ASU to expand — in scale, in research, and in reach — and to align itself with the industries and workforce demands defining the modern economy.

That strategy paid off at exactly the right time. As Arizona shifted toward advanced manufacturing, semiconductors, bioscience, defense, and other future-focused sectors, ASU became one of the country’s strongest pipelines of engineers, scientists, problem-solvers, and innovators. It also became a magnet for research partnerships and private investment that helped accelerate entire industries.

And unlike many universities, ASU didn’t grow at the expense of access. Access was the strategy. Crow insisted on opening doors wider, not smaller, giving Arizona something many states are now scrambling to recreate: a workforce that reflects the size and diversity of its population. In a state growing as quickly as ours, that has been a competitive advantage.

It’s also why ASU consistently ranks at the top nationally for innovation and social mobility, indicators of whether graduates can move directly into the jobs employers are creating right now.

Today, when national outlets talk about Arizona as a hub for semiconductors, advanced manufacturing, defense, and other next-generation industries, they’re describing a story ASU helped write. And when companies tell us why they invest here, ASU’s talent, research, and problem-solving capacity are almost always near the top of the list.

Crow also pushed both policymakers and the business community to think bigger: to compete nationally and globally, to treat education as a core economic asset, and to build a workforce ready for a new economy.

That mindset has shaped nearly every major economic win Arizona has landed over the past two decades. And as ASU continues to evolve, so does our state — with the connection between the two clearer than ever.

Arizona’s next decade will demand even more: more skilled workers, more research capacity, more industry-university partnerships, and more leaders willing to think as boldly as Crow did when he arrived on the scene.

This month, the Arizona ˿����Ƶ will honor Dr. Michael Crow with the 2025 , recognizing leaders whose vision has helped define our state’s success story. It’s a well-earned moment for someone who helped shape not just a university, but Arizona’s economic future.

We hope you’ll join us in celebrating his contributions.

The Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry Dinner is tonight, December 11, 2025 at the Arizona Biltmore. Event .

The post Why Michael Crow’s leadership deserves recognition appeared first on ˿����Ƶ Business News.

This column by Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden originally appeared in .

More than a decade ago, the small town of Edgerton, Kansas, faced a choice: maintain the status quo or plan for the future.

When another community turned down a proposal for a major infrastructure project, Edgerton saw the opportunity others didn’t. Local leaders made a strategic decision to invest in growth through the BNSF Logistics Park and intermodal facility — a project dismissed by many as too ambitious for a rural town. That decision delivered modern infrastructure, attracted private investment, and created a long-term economic engine for the region.

The payoff was undeniable.

Jobs and housing construction surged. Infrastructure improved. The tax base expanded, allowing the city to deliver more services at lower cost to residents. What was once a quiet agricultural community became a thriving rail logistics and employment hub that now anchors economic activity across the region.

Now, Maricopa County stands at a similar crossroads.

Edgerton’s story is a clear example of what strong leadership and effective public-private partnership can accomplish. The project brought commercial investments the town once didn’t think possible, new housing development for the first time in 20 years, new infrastructure, and a broader, more stable tax base that lowered costs for residents.

Edgerton didn’t lose its character — it strengthened its community. Families found opportunity without leaving town. People moved back and saw reasons to build their lives locally. The region is more competitive, resilient and prosperous.

Arizona now has the same opportunity on an even larger scale.

The proposed BNSF Logistics Park in the Phoenix region offers a transformational opportunity to strengthen our state’s supply chain, attract future investment, and support growing industries from semiconductors and agriculture to energy and retail distribution.

This project is bigger than a railroad. It’s about fueling Arizona’s economy and planning for the future. It’s about positioning our state as the leading logistics center for the entire Southwest, strengthening U.S. supply chain security and onshoring domestic manufacturing.

And most important, it’s about opportunity for Arizona families — opportunity to work, to own a home, to build a career close to where you live and raise your children.

The world is reorganizing supply chains. America is reshoring manufacturing. Companies are seeking reliable, connected, and forward-thinking places to invest. Residents want affordable access to everyday goods quickly and efficiently.

Arizona doesn’t have to guess if this model will work; the story has already been written. A small town in Kansas proved that when communities lean into smart, responsible development, the benefits flow directly to residents.

Arizona has the talent, the geography, the infrastructure and the momentum. What we need now is the will — and the kind of leadership and foresight that propelled Edgerton’s economic transformation more than a decade ago.

Arizona’s path forward comes down to one simple choice: keep growing or fall behind.

We don’t have to take a leap of faith; we know what works. Edgerton proved what happens when communities invest in growth. Now it’s Arizona’s turn.

Danny Seiden is president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

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A recent headline in Politico asks, “” It’s a good question. The article charts the march of labor union Unite Here Local 11 through the city’s policymaking apparatus and the bruising fights the union has picked with the city’s job creators, especially those in the hospitality industry.

Meanwhile, some members of the city council express occasional concern about the damage that’s been done to the city’s reputation and whether it will be able to host a Super Bowl, World Cup, and Summer Olympic Games in successive years, but not enough, apparently, to do anything to broker a lasting truce between the union and the private businesses that are now looking for more welcoming environments.

Instead of disputes being settled at the negotiating table with the help of elected officials, the voting booth is increasingly where Big Labor and job creators square off.

We’re fortunate that in Arizona we don’t have city governments that are as openly hostile to job creation and a competitive business environment as L.A.

Not yet, anyway. We can’t get too comfortable.

That’s because Unite Here Local 11’s territory not only includes Southern California, but Arizona, too. The union is growing its presence here, organizing job-killing ballot measures, targeting specific businesses, throwing up roadblocks to development, and backing candidates for city council positions.

In Glendale, the union was the driving force behind Proposition 499 in 2024, a measure that would have burdened the city’s hospitality sector and taxpayers with costly new mandates. A year later, the union was back at it again, organizing Propositions 401 and 402, which attempted to block the development of a critical phase of what is slated to be the state’s largest resort, employing more than 2,000 Arizonans. In each case, the business community rallied to stop the union.

The pattern has been clear: if you’re a business that dares to succeed, you’re a target. Take Scottsdale, where Unite Here operatives helped circulate the petitions aimed at freezing the new Axon corporate headquarters development, an investment promising thousands of high-paying jobs. Stopping job creators in their tracks seems to be part of the union’s playbook. Like it did in Glendale, the business community came together to stand up for Scottsdale jobs. So did a bipartisan coalition of state lawmakers and Gov. Katie Hobbs.

The union isn’t content to restrict its influence to ballot measures and development fights. Unite Here is increasingly active in Arizona municipal politics, lining up behind city council candidates in , , and who share their agenda. Their candidates may speak in platitudes about fairness and equity, but what they really offer is a city government more hostile to employers, less friendly to entrepreneurs, and far more willing to use public policy as a cudgel against job creation.

We’re also seeing a similar playbook from other California-based unions. The Service Employees International Union a ballot initiative to cap the salaries of Arizona hospital executives, regardless of the size or complexity of the health system they lead, never mind that the proposal tramples any semblance of the right to contract.

Supporters may say the measure is about fairness, but it would just make it harder to recruit and retain the kind of medical leadership our state needs to ensure access to lifesaving care. It’s obvious that this isn’t about strengthening health care in Arizona; it’s about importing California’s labor fights to our ballot.

Arizona can’t afford to import Los Angeles-style dysfunction. We’ve built a reputation as a state where job creators are welcomed, where investment is encouraged, and where opportunity is still available for those willing to work hard and take risks. That reputation is one of our greatest competitive advantages, but it won’t endure if we ignore the encroachment of those who would rather grind our economy to a halt in service of their narrow political agenda.

Arizona’s job creators are resilient, but they need policymakers at all levels of government to stand firm and defend our pro-jobs environment, and call out efforts, no matter how cleverly disguised, that would weaken it.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

 
This column may be reproduced. courtesy ������license.

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This column by Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden originally appeared in the .

More than 3,000 companies in Arizona have created over 40,000 jobs in the bioscience fields, which has led to a��. These are the types of good-paying jobs — many paying����— that attract the highly educated, productive workers that states clamor for. Arizona’s contribution to the bioscience sector has changed patients’ lives for the better and made our economy stronger.��

A new proposal from Washington, though, takes a page from Europe and could reverse the progress scientists and researchers here have achieved, leaving our medical treatments, therapies and the economy worse off.

Consider the example of one of Arizona’s shining stars, TGen, the Translational Genomics Research Institute. Created in 2002, TGen’s work in identifying rare diseases and advancing technologies for early cancer detection has laid the foundation for scientific discoveries that are directly affecting patients and creating positive health outcomes for all Americans. ����

It’s an Arizona success story, made possible by heavy recruitment by state and federal government leaders, funding by the state, nonprofits, and private industry, and a pro-business, pro-innovation environment that fosters and encourages life-changing research. Over the past decade, dozens of smaller biotech startups in the state have made groundbreaking discoveries in oncology, diagnostics, respiratory health and regenerative medicines. ��

All that success is at risk, though, because of a policy proposal called “Most Favored Nation (MFN),” which would introduce foreign price controls for prescription drugs.

It’s true that many medicines in foreign countries cost less than they do here in the United States. But that’s because foreign governments impose strict price controls — think 1970s gasoline markets for pharmaceuticals, complete with shortages and reduced access.��

Because of price controls, European countries and Canada typically do not have access to many of the specialty drugs that treat diseases like cancer or arthritis until many years after they are introduced in the U.S. In fact, Canadians have access only to roughly 11% of cancer medications while the U.S. has access to about 90% of those medications. ��

The prescription drug ecosystem is a complicated one, to be sure, but imposing a policy like MFN would ultimately lead to less innovation, shortages in prescription medication supply, and much less investment in the science to create new cures and treatment options for patients. It’s a bad tradeoff.

Instead of imposing European-style policies like MFN here in the U.S., we should strongly encourage European countries to liberalize their markets so that the full spectrum of innovative medicines can be made more widely available and so that the research and development that is needed to bring groundbreaking medicines to the public does not fall squarely on the shoulders of the U.S. Through trade agreements, we can do for prescription drugs what we’ve done for the defense sector.��

The Arizona congressional delegation — House and Senate — should stand up for our bioscience sector and oppose any policy like MFN and instead support efforts that aim to address costs while preserving investment in the biotech industry.��

Arizona has come so far this century and seen advancements that were once unthinkable. ��For our biotech industry to continue to grow in the future, we need our representatives in Washington to fight for it. ��

Danny Seiden is president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

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This column by Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden originally .

Arizona has an important choice to make when it comes to growth: We can try to stop it, or we can plan wisely for it and ensure that it positions the state for a prosperous future.

BNSF Railway is choosing the smarter path: preparing thoughtfully for growth and helping position Arizona for a brighter tomorrow. Building on the legacy of its predecessor, the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe — whose tracks helped transform Arizona in the late 1800s — BNSF is looking ahead to help ensure the state’s continued economic strength.

BNSF is working to develop a state-of-the-art freight rail facility in northwest Maricopa County near Phoenix. When complete, Logistics Park Phoenix (LPP) will add critical rail capacity, supporting Arizona’s growth and prosperity by efficiently processing and delivering the goods families and businesses use every day.

The new $3.2 billion, 4,320-acre facility will feature a rail-served intermodal terminal, logistics center and logistics park. It will facilitate the transportation, storage and distribution of goods throughout the Phoenix metropolitan area and the broader Southwest region. Integrating with BNSF’s extensive 32,500-mile freight rail network, this facility will connect the region to the global marketplace and strengthen the supply chain, while maximizing use of rail, the most environmentally efficient way to move goods.

The benefits are significant: LPP is expected to create 76,000 direct and indirect jobs, generate nearly $4 billion in labor income, and contribute $258 million annually in tax revenue to support Maricopa County schools, community colleges, flood control management and other local initiatives.

This is undeniably good news. Unfortunately, not everyone sees it that way.

Somehow even economic development and job creation have become controversial.

But no economy has ever gotten stronger by rejecting growth.

If we slam the brakes on new capital and future-focused investment, we’ll lose jobs. People will stop coming. Our population will shrink. Our economy will stagnate. Achieving the president’s goal of building a resilient domestic manufacturing supply chain will become more difficult.

The Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry believes that strong and modern infrastructure is essential to a healthy economy. Equally critical is Arizona’s ability to attract and develop businesses in diverse industry sectors. We support policies that improve Arizona’s economic vitality, retain existing businesses, and spur new business growth and job creation.

The ˿����Ƶ strongly supports planning efforts that will enhance the efficiency and convenience with which goods and people are moved through the state. This includes supporting rail projects such as Logistics Park Phoenix.

Arizona’s success stems from its embrace of opportunity, innovation and responsible growth.

We can’t let critics divert attention from what’s working. Arizona’s progress isn’t a problem to solve — it’s a model of how pro-growth policies drive broad-based success. Shutting out new jobs and residents won’t protect what makes Arizona unique; it will weaken it.

Choosing stagnation over progress risks undoing the vibrant state we’ve created and turning it into the kind of place people and investment flee. Let’s make the right choice and plan for Arizona’s future.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

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Arizona has experienced a bonanza of population and job growth over the last five years, and it’s transforming our economy in exciting ways. 

Since 2020, roughly 100,000 people have moved to our great state every year, according to the Common Sense Institute. The momentum shows no signs of slowing. From major manufacturing to high-tech and corporate relocations, job growth has been off the charts. 

We all know about the mega-projects, like the massive Taiwanese Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) facility in north Phoenix—one of the largest foreign investments in U.S. history. 

But it doesn’t stop there. Arizona-based companies are also expanding at lightning speed. 

Just look at Scottsdale’s own Axon, which continues to lead the world in public safety technology. And we’re not just attracting factories. We’re drawing boardrooms. 

Just last week, Dutch Bros Coffee, a nationally recognized brand, announced it’s moving its corporate headquarters from Oregon to Arizona. That’s a big win—and just one example of many. 

Good news, right? 

Well, not according to everyone. 

In today’s hyperpartisan environment, even economic development has become political. Oddly enough, some voices on both the far left and the far right seem united in sounding the alarm over Arizona’s success. 

On the far left, critics wrongly claim that Arizona can’t—and shouldn’t—support this level of growth. They argue it strains infrastructure, housing, and water supply. But these concerns ignore the facts. Arizona has led the way in water conservation for decades and is innovating in areas like reuse and infrastructure investment. Growth doesn’t hinder our ability to plan for the future; it enables it. A stronger tax base means more revenue to improve roads, schools, and other critical infrastructure. 

Meanwhile, some on the far right fret about a different kind of threat: cultural change. They worry that people moving from states like California or Illinois will bring with them left-leaning politics. But here’s the thing—there’s no evidence of that happening. In fact, the opposite may be true. Since 2020, Arizona Republicans have outpaced Democrats in voter registration, gaining tens of thousands of new voters while Democrats have seen a net decline. Today, Republicans maintain a sizable registration advantage—a signal that many newcomers may actually lean center-right. 

Arizona remains a competitive, balanced state. When both parties run mainstream candidates, they can—and do—win. 

Among the most extreme voices on both ends of the spectrum, you’ll hear arguments that sound a lot like “Build the Wall”—not on our southern border, but along the Colorado River. Their solution to Arizona’s success? Stop people from coming. Stop businesses from expanding. Slow it all down. 

But no economy has ever gotten stronger by rejecting growth. Look at states like New York, Illinois, and California—all of which have seen population declines in recent years. These are places where high taxes, burdensome regulations, and anti-business politics have driven people and employers away. That’s not a model for Arizona—that’s a warning. 

Ironically, if we follow the advice of these economic isolationists and slam the brakes on growth, we’ll get the very outcome they claim to fear. We’ll lose jobs. People will stop coming. Our population will shrink. And we’ll start to resemble the places so many of our new neighbors are leaving behind. 

Arizona is thriving because we’ve chosen a different path. We’ve said yes to opportunity, yes to innovation, and yes to responsible growth. 

Bottom line: Don’t listen to the naysayers. Arizona’s momentum is not a threat; it’s a testament to what’s possible when a state embraces a pro-growth mindset. If we slam the door on new jobs and new residents, we won’t preserve Arizona—we’ll lose it. We’ll look less like the state we’ve built, and a lot more like the ones people are fleeing.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona ˿����Ƶ of Commerce & Industry.

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